Publicising that might be a way of overcoming the resistance of the large number of people who are mainly interested in their own relative status, and so dislike giving assistance to the poorest members of society. If you can show people that yes this intervention will help the poorest but it will help you more then those concerned mostly with their own relative status might be more likely to back it.
Folks have been trying this. When the poorest folks have enough money to spend on things, everyone tends to benefit - it isn't a new theory. But mostly, teaching folks this has failed. It is either that, or you need to settle on "people simply dislike giving others help, even if they reap rewards."
I think part of the issue is that the rewards aren't nearly as visible or shockingly impactful as actually being given money to thrive.
The same may not happen on a national scale if you’re circulating inside it.
Why do you think it is?
I mostly see propaganda and lies directed at stopping this from happening rather than a basic human response to it.
Like say the 'welfare queen' myth, or the trope that 'giving people money will just cause them problems or make them lazy', seems you have to really stretch to convince people that helping the poor is a bad idea and the standard human response is to help.
In my experience, these attitudes are more common among those who live around poor people than among those who don't. It's my wife who taught me the difference between "people who are good at being poor and ones who aren't." Coming from a privileged background, I had no idea.
It's a sociocultural adaptation to scarcity. Historically, whether you were in a Bangladeshi village or rural Oregon, even the rich don't really have sufficient surplus to help more than a few people. And there were no rich foreigners or central government to swoop in. In that scenario, anticipating and expecting help is maladaptive. Everybody in the village needs to be incentivized to work as hard as possible for themselves before relying on anyone else.
This doesn't happen every time as is demonstrated by this study, but history has plenty of example where it has and hasn't worked. The open question is to figure out when it work and why it doesn't work in other situations.
Personally I view the two major factors to be post pandemic shipping costs and the Ukraine. A meaningful response from government could have headed this off but instead we're seeing energy producers hit record profits while large parts of society are going to be unable turn their heating on over the winter and on top of that rising interest rates are going to see every other aspect of their budget become even more expensive as well.
That's why we have means testing at all: not to prevent people from needlessly getting benefits, but to prevent those who are undeserving of them from getting them.
A lot of things make more sense when you understand this imo, and stop trying to frame other people's views into your own moral framework (giving you the mistaken impression that they're hypocrites about it).
Now that gun-pointing redistribution programs are fully entrenched, some people are still trying to have some say - ANY say - in where their money goes.
Reducing the wealth gap is crucial, I think you're severely misunderstanding.
[1]: https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/deaths-of-despair-effe...
Who is going to suffer because of the enormous covid handouts and subsequent inflation?
It was nice while it happened but a lot of rich people really benefited and a lot of poor people are going to go through the worst consequences of inflation and recession.
Don't know how it played where you live, but in my country, most covid handouts went to the rich, not to the poor.
1. Cash was given to companies they could then give to the people, instead of straight to the people.
2. Cheap/free loans were given to companies/rich people, not poor people, because poor people can't pay off loans so nobody gives them any.
The insane stock market profits were the result of this - rich people getting excess money. If it went to the poor people, they'd buy food and shelter, not stonks.
They didn't say anything that would let you conclude either of those things in the article, one they said the exact opposite of. Not read the whole paper yet though.
What is clear however, that increased prices for labor, wheat and energy, combined with post-covid logistics issues, have very clearly increased consumer pricing.
Or perhaps another way to say it is this: cash doesn’t matter. It’s all about capital. If you want to reduce inequality, give the poor some capital. Unfortunately, I think they’ll likely sell their capital to buy food or pay rent.
When the government was handing out money indiscriminately to everyone right after Covid, we just put the money in the bank. That helped us. But it didn’t stimulate the economy. When they gave the same amount of money to some people we knew that lost their jobs, they spent it on necessities - helping the economy.
Giving money to people who will spend it obviously helps everyone. But there have been plenty of studies showing that people will hurt themselves financially even if it will help other people. Especially if it helps “them”.
-
Seems like reverse "trickle down" in another respect too: the poorest recipients got better off but the gap between rich and poor still widened, presumably because the poor spent much of their increased budget buying things from the rich.
Imagine someone who sewed things by hand, given (or even loaned) the money to purchase a sewing machine, making them many times more productive. Now the community can have things sewn faster and more easily with less effort, with tons of downstream effects (more sails, better clothing, stronger soft goods, etc) and it's easy to see how the net improvement to that community can far exceed the price of the machine.
Another way to ask that question is "does there exist tools whose price is less than the total amount of increased economic activity they enable", which when phrased that way, it seems clear that the answer is "yes".
1. It's an economics paper. Not a field with a reputation for accurate predictions beyond the basics.
2. It's commissioned by a charity that wanted academic evidence of the benefits of its own policies, so it's as conflicted as can be.
3. It's research by academics who are as a group notoriously left wing, so they're being asked to do research to support their own ideological preconceptions.
That doesn't mean the conclusions are wrong, but it does mean they shouldn't be accepted at face value, and you'd have to review it very thoroughly - ideally with external double checks of validity - to be able to conclude anything from it.
Doing even a very fast check of the paper immediately reveals a major problem: the headline claim of 0.1% price inflation excludes the price of labour, which inflated significantly. This pretty much explains the entire effect. Not surprisingly, if you start handing out cash at random in poor communities then the people who aren't lucky enough to get it start demanding some of that cash too. But you don't need research to know this. It's economics 101, that's what's happening right now in western economies (big cash transfers from governments -> inflation).
We may suspect the paper is being undermined by ideology and funder bias because its early statements on inflation try hard to hide this fact. At the start, it's saying:
"Importantly, we document ... minimal price inflation"
(abstract). Then it becomes:
"For inputs, we find positive point estimates [of inflation], but they are not always statistically significant. For outputs, we document statistically significant, but economically minimal, local price inflation."
(page 4). Unless read very cynically this sounds like good news. But then we notice how obfuscated this statement is. "Positive [input] point increases but they are not always statistically significant", i.e. some are and the magnitude of the increase isn't mentioned. Later we find:
"we do see significant increases in the factors that we directly measure, and particularly in the wage bill: enterprises in treated (control) villages increase spending on labor by USD PPP 82 (70), a sizable change relative to the control mean"
(page 20). So we've gone straight from "minimal price inflation" to "significant increases ... a sizeable change". I've read so many academic papers in the last few years and whenever you see such large slippage between claims in the abstract and claims buried deep in the paper, it's always a bad sign. It's a leading indicator that there's going to be other kinds of problem, probably involving bogus stats/models/assumptions.
Moving on. We might have hoped that people would use the money for investment that could permanently increase their standards of living after the cash transfers end, but that doesn't happen:
"Strikingly, we do not see strong evidence of a firm investment response"
But this isn't something that needs research to know, it's the story of decades of massive and sustained foreign aid to Africa. Aid money gets spent on increased consumption but not sustainable investment.
I'm not sure the fact that a different variable (total wage expenditure) from the one discussed in the abstract (price inflation) recorded a different outcome is a particularly pertinent critique of the paper.
Since the paper also records that the increased wage expenditure allowed wage earners to buy more goods because the price of goods inflated minimally, and the enterprises spending more on wages nevertheless experienced a [non-statistically significant] increase in profit, leaving all groups materially better off, this is GDP growth, not inflation.
A more pertinent observation is that this is pretty much what you'd expect from injecting additional money into a local economy operating well below capacity and buying most of its consumer goods from areas not receiving cash injections, so it doesn't necessarily work at national scale or if the jurisdiction self-funds its poverty alleviation funding.
But there is really a deeper problem here. Every time researchers do this they're training people to assume their claims are deceptive in some way. Large groups of people are just tuning out academic claims because of this sort of thing, they don't care. But this is bad for social cohesion because the people who take academic output on faith then conclude that they must be a superior breed of person: "reality based", "understands the science" etc. We already have this problem and it's getting worse. To wit: you can't afford the time to double check every claim presented as important or that will affect social policy that affects you, so you have to generalize, and increasingly that means assuming that if an academic makes a claim convenient for their prevailing ideology, it's probably a trick or misleading in some way. If caught they tend to blame journalists for "misrepresenting" their work, or they'll point to a footnote on page 67 where they redefine a standard term and use it to claim nobody should have ever assumed the obvious interpretation of what they were saying. It's just so tawdry. Then for people who stop listening, it gets used as a weapon to beat them around the head.
So I think academics have a moral obligation to be brutally honest in their claims and abstracts. This sort of word game where they arbitrarily exclude the prices that went up from their definition of price inflation, is ultimately self defeating.
If your first reason for dismissing an economics paper is because you don't like economics, that's a bad start. Especially since the rest of your comment reviewing this economics paper consists of you doing economics. You're preemptively dismissing everything you yourself have to say.
I mean, if economists suck, then surely the economic theories of people who don't think economics is real suck more.
I think the same is true of economics — and is the sentiment that person was expressing.
Many of the children comments explain this well.